Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Heterosexualidad. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Heterosexualidad. Mostrar todas las entradas

viernes, 16 de abril de 2021

LGTBQ+UZ: Encuesta para CisBisexuales

 

Nos da a conocer la Universidad de Zaragoza su Plan Estratégico para el Fomento del Respeto y la Igualdad LGTB+

 

Me temo que me borran en el Facebook un comentario que venía a decir lo siguiente:

Pueden venir problemas nuevos de fomentar la igualdad entre lo que no es igual. Me refiero a que las mayorías son mayorías, y nunca serán iguales a las minorías porque las minorías son minorías. De los planes de igualarlas sobre el papel pueden originarse nuevos tipos de disfunciones.

Misterio. Igual ha desaparecido solo. 

La encuesta parece haber sido constestada mayoritariamente por personas LGBTQUZ. Por ejemplo, nos dicen que "un tercio de las mujeres que ha contestado se considera heterosexual". Los resultados, claro, están a juego.

Pongo este otro comentario y lo copio aquí, no me lo vayan a borrar también:

Dice el estudio que el 43% de los estudiantes de la Universidad de Zaragoza no se consideran heterosexuales. Me temo que, más que criticar al estudio, habría que explicarles a los estudiantes qué es la heterosexualidad. O eso, o mucho ha cambiado la humanidad, o nuestros estudiantes son 'queer' en una proporción realmente anómala.

 

 13-14% de heterosexuales

 

 

Excalmó la catalana

 

—oOo—

domingo, 20 de septiembre de 2020

Performativity and Abjection


From the Introduction to Judith Butler's Bodies That Matter (p. 14-16):


... the symbolic law in Lacan can be subject to the same kind of critique that Nietzsche formulated of the notion of God: the power attributed to this prior and ideal power is derived and deflected from the attribution itself. It is this insight into the illegitimacy of the symbolic law of sex that is dramatized to a certain degree in the contemporary film Paris Is Burning: the ideal that is mirrored depends on that very mirroring to be sustained as an ideal. And though the symbolic appears to be a force that cannot be contravened without psychosis, the symbolic ought to be rethought as a series of normativizing injunctions that secure the borders of sex through the threat of psychosis, abjection, psychic unlivability. And further, that this "law" can only remain a law to the extent that it compels the differentiated citations and approximations called "feminine" and "masculine." The presumption that the symbolic law of sex enjoys a separable ontology prior and autonomous to its assumption is contravened by the notion that the citation of a law is the very mechanism of its production and articulation. What is "forced" by the symbolic, then, is a citation of its law that reiterates and consolidates the ruse of its own force. What would it mean to "cite" the law to produce it differently, to "cite" the law in order to reiterate and coopt its power, to expose the heterosexual matrix and to displace the effect of its necessity?

The process of that sedimentation or what we might call materialization will be a kind of citationality, the acquisition of being through the citing of power, a citing that establishes an originary complicity with power in the formation of the "I." 

In this sense, the agency denoted by the performativity of "sex" will be directly counter to any notion of a voluntarist subject who existes quite apart from the regulatory norms whih she/he opposes. The paradox of subjectivation (assujetissement) is preciesely that the subject who would resist such norms is itslef enaled, if not produced, by such norms. Although this constitutive constraint does not foreclose the possibility of agency, it does locate agency as a reiterative or rearticulatory practice, immanent to power, and not a relation of external opposition to power. 

As a result of this reformulation of performativity, (a) gender performativity cannot be theorized apart from the forcible and reiterative practice of regulatory sexual regimes; (b) the account of agency conditioned by those very regimes of discourse/power cannot be conflated with voluntarism or individualism, much less with consumerism, and in no way presupposes a choosing subject; (c) the regime of heterosexuality operates to circumscribe and contour the "materiality" of sex, and that "materiality" is formed and sustained through a materialization of regulatory norms that are in part those of heterosexual hegemony; (d) the materialization of norms requires those identificatory processes by which norms are assumed or appropriated, and these identifications precede and enable the formation of a subject, but are not, strictly speaking, performed by a subject; and (e) the limits of constructivism are exposed at those boundaries of bodily life where abjected or delegitimated bodies fail to count as "bodies." If the materiality of sex is demarcated in discourse, then this demarcation will produce a domain of excluded and delegitimated "sex." Hence, it will be as important to think about how and to what end bodies are constructed as it is will be to think about how and to what end bodies are not constructed and, further, to ask after how bodies which fail to materialize provide the necessary "outside," if not the necessary support for the bodies which, in materializing the norm, qualify as bodies that matter.

How, then, can one think thorugh the matter of bodies as a kind of materialization governed by regulatory norms in order to ascertain the workings of heterosexual hegemony in the formation of what qualifies as a viable body? How does that materialization of the norm in bodily formation produce a domain of abjected bodies, a field of deformation, which, in failing to qualify as the fully human, fortifies those regulatory norms? What challenge does that excluded and abjected realm produce to a symbolic hegemony that might force a radical rearticulation of what qualifies as bodies that matter, whays of living that count as "life," lives worth protecting, lives worth saving, lives worth grieving?


[Note: Whatever the implications of her argument, its scope is restricted in Judith Butler's book Bodies that Matter to issues of 'gender bending', transsexuality, intersecuality, etc.— NOT to issues like abortion or animalism which might lead to alternative reflections on which bodies matter, which bodies are abjected, etc.]

 

Denying the Ungrieved, and the Unborn, a Life

—and even a mention


—oOo—

martes, 14 de enero de 2020

El Gobierno, contra la heterosexualidad




No es su único encanto, de esta sujeta digo, la denigración de la heterosexualidad:
























lunes, 13 de enero de 2020

Ideicas de la Gimeno





O sea, que las lesbofeministas guay, porque han cuestionado el heteropatriarcado, pero las feministas mal porque sólo han cuestionado el patriarcado.  Se han olvidado de cuestionar lo de hetero.

Conclusión: que todas las feministas, qué digo, todas las mujeres, deberían ser lesbianas.

A esta cosica ponen para dirigir el Instituto de la Mujer. Supongo que pretenderá lesbianizar la definición de mujer.

Más joyas:














—oOo—



miércoles, 15 de mayo de 2013

From a debate on same-sex marriage

In LinkedIn:

James: 
If anyone is still listening, today the Governor of Minnesota signed into law the right to same-sex marriage. Minnesota is now the 12th state in the US to have marriage equality. Opponents argued vehemently that this violates their rights to live in a state that defines marriage as valid only between one man and one woman. Does the passage of this law violate someone's "rights"?

Jelka: 
To answer your question, James: yes, on a psychological [basis] perhaps. Many people's belief systems with regard to marriage are turned upside down by laws which allow same-sex marriages. Despite the high divorce rates, despite people taking a "pre-nup", still, I think that if we would ask the man and woman in the street, they would be against this law.
They will, at least, have the perception that their rights about thinking what is right and wrong, engrained in their psyche for centuries, have been taken away from them.

Jose Angel: 
I tend to agree with Jelka. It depends, James, on whether you assume that extending the definition of marriage to include same-sex marriages is a major overhaul of the institution. Which I think it is. In that sense, many people feel that an age-old institution is suddenly changed into something else—another institution which has some elements in common but is not the same. Let's take an analogy: imagine a country suddenly gives exactly the same treatment to both citizens and non-citizens, foreigners all, etc., declaring "we're all citizens now". That's good news for mankind perhaps in a way, but it might be very bad news to older citizens, who might feel that "their" citizenship had been scrapped with a legal legerdemain. 

 


 


James:

Thank you jelka and Jose for your thoughtful answers. In Minnesota there was a referendum last Fall in which the question was placed before the voters whether the state constitution should be amended to define marriage as between one man and one woman. That amendment was defeated 53% to 47%. Recent polls have also shown that a majority of the adult population in the state favors same-sex marriage. This of course was not true only a few years ago. So while not everyone in the state favors same sex marriage the majority of "men and women in the street" in Minnesota clearly do.

The law clearly provides that religious institutions are not forced to perform same-sex marriages. In fact, many religious congregations and clergy worked to pass the same-sex marriage bill. But those who are opposed to it are not forced to comply.

Do those who have "sincerely held religious beliefs" in favor of traditional marriage and against same-sex marriage have a legal right to refuse to recognize same-sex marriage by refusing to provide goods and services such as food and refreshments for receptions, accommodations for receptions, tuxedos and wedding gowns, etc. to same-sex couples? In Minnesota, there has been a Human Rights Act for 20 years that has prohibited discrimination in providing goods and services to people based on sexual orientation and other protected classes.

I understand that some may feel the ground has shifted around them and their world view in a way that makes them uncomfortable but does that violate their legal rights in any way? Think back to issues such as allowing women to vote by constitutional amendment in the 1920's. Were mens' rights violated? How about the 1960's when the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 were passed prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race, religion and sex were passed. Were the legal rights of white males violated?

Does a sense of loss, however deeply felt, equal a loss of legal rights?


Jelka: Thank you, James, for your very enlightning comment! And I totally concur with your last sentence. We're talking about love here, not war. People will have to get used to the idea of same-sex marriages.

I do have some empathy, though, for some old ladies and gentlemen, who cannot keep up with the rapid way life's changing; who simply shake their heads, whilst watching the horrors on t.v. and can't help thinking:"what is happening to our world?".



Jose Angel: I think part of the issue here is the "legal engineering" which has sometimes accompanied the passing of same-sex marriage laws. Here in Spain it was assumed that it was not unconstitutional because the Constitution stated that "man and woman may contract marriage" and that was construed to mean that it did in no way refer to the sex of the persons contracting marriage, but simply that "men may contract marriage with someone, sex unspecified, and women may contract marriage with someone, sex unspecified". Now you may be in favour of same-sex marriage or against, but that is what I call a legal legerdemain. More clearly so when the foreword to the law explicitly recognizes that all legal codes predating 'this' law presupposed that marriage meant marriage between man and woman.  Note that the law was not supposed to MODIFY the constitution (it cannot do that) but to regulate marriage within the constitutional provisions. These were (to my mind) openly violated; passing a law on same-sex marriage would have required a modification of the constitution but then there was not a parliamentary consensus on that. To my mind this piece of juridical engineering may show much concern for the rights of gay people, which is good, but it does not evince much respect for legal procedures, which is bad.  People tend to judge of legal and political actions according to their interests, and so it is to be expected that those who favour gay marriage in Spain will tend to either ignore this problem as a scholastic exercise in semantics, or they may say oh well, its a shortcut to a good end so let's stick with the end and never mind the means. Meaning by 'means' a play on the value of words which maybe they would not accept if the issue were indifferent to them, not to mention if it were unfavourable to their interests. 

In the case you mention in Minnesota, there's more than a bit of legal engineering too. According to what you say, the issue was framed as one of RESTRICTING marriage to heterosexual couples. And it was defeated. But the legal engineering was in the framing. Marriage was, by definition and presupposition, understood to be heterosexual, and the whole solution to the problem was already in the defusing of that presupposition—as if words and laws did not mean according to context. The legislators who defined marriage in the first place never thought it would be necessary to specify that marriage was marriage between man and woman, because that is what marriage was then, and was expected to remain forever. So, another nifty piece of legal engineering, the opportunity and desirability of which will be judged by people according to their interests and political priorities.

James:
Jose, I understand your reasoning and am not familiar with Spain's Constitution although as you explain it it seems that it could be interpreted as being ambiguous and thus open to interpretation. I am totally unfamiliar with what laws preceded the Constitution or what legal maneuvering may have occurred. In fact I am altogether unfamiliar with Spain's legal system.

In Minnesota there was a statute that defined marriage as between a man and a woman. Then, legislators decided to try to put the statute in the Minnesota Constitution which was silent on this issue. The proposed constitutional amendment was placed for a vote in a referendum and it failed to pass. A majority of voters in Minnesota were displeased with their legislators because of the way that and other issues were handled during the last legislative session. The majority of legislators in the current session just passed a law which which enlarged the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples.

There may have been implicit expectations by some that the definition would never be expanded but there was no "legal engineering" as you describe it. It was done according to existing and long-standing rules of how laws are made in Minnesota.


Jose Angel: 

My point precisely—same case as in Spain. A constitution amended through the kitchen door, or transformed retroactively by a lower-level law... which was supposed to adhere to the constitution in the first place. Just imagine if the political wind changed and they presupposed "person" to mean, of course, "white person", and proceeded to enact legislation accordingly. The way it used to be. But then Humpty Dumpty already solved these problems in semantics and authority a long time ago. The meaning of the words depends on who's boss.



James: Jose, I think I mostly agree with what you're saying. The civil rights laws protecting women and minorities were passed in the mid-1960's. I was a teenager at the time but I was fully aware of what was happening and its significance. Prior to the statutes being enacted there were some U.S. Supreme Court rulings on equal education and other related issues that were interpretations of the Bill of Rights and the U.S. Constitution.

I agree that the meaning of words in the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights depends on interpretations by the U.S. Supreme Court and as you say "The meaning of words can depend on who's boss."

But the U.S. Congress enacted new statutes in 1964 and 1965 that clarified and solidified the rights of minorities and women. Obviously, there was a majority in the Senate and House of Representatives who voted for these changes and the President signed them into law.

I suppose it is theoretically possible that a legislative majority and President in the future could enact laws reversing the Civil Acts of 1964 and 1965. However, I tend to agree with Martin Luther King, Jr. that "The arc of history bends toward justice." He did not say that it is a straight line.

I agree that 50 or 60 years ago laws protecting sexual orientation and gender identity could not have been passed. Laws allowing marriage between same-sex couples could not have been passed. Previous legal cases challenging laws against same-sex marriage failed. I have known extremely liberal legislators who did not support same-sex marriage. President Obama and Vice -President Biden did not support it until shortly before the last Presidential election. As they explain it, their views have evolved.

I discussed this issue with one of my gay friends over the past week. He and I agreed that we did not ever believe same-sex marriage would be legalized in Minnesota in our lifetimes. Times change, people change. Words are subject to interpretation. In the case of legislation I would put it slightly differently "Laws can change depending on who's boss."



 
—oOo—

domingo, 26 de junio de 2011

Disfuncionalidades heterosexuales (australianas)

Me he leído últimamente un libro sobre el cine australiano en los años 90, Australian Cinema in the 1990s, ed. Ian Craven—y ahí aparece un capítulo de Nigel Spence y Leah McGirr, armoniosamente escrito sobre las disfuncionalidades de la pareja heterosexual tal como aparecen prominentemente en el cine australiano ("Unhappy Endings: The Heterosexual Dynamic in Australian Film"). Así concluye, con optimismo más que moderado:


Muchas películas recientes proporcionan evidencias sobre unas creencias acerca de las relaciones interpersonales heterosexuales que parecen estar muy extendidas entre los cineastas australianos (si no también entre los australianos en general): se ve cómo hasta las mejores relaciones se caracterizan por una disfuncionalidad porque hay algún tipo de abismo infranqueable, alguna incomprensión esencial, alguna enemistad incurable, entre los hombres y mujeres de Australia. Este rasgo es un obstáculo o barrera , una obstrucción cuyo perfil se vuelve visible únicamente a través de la riqueza, complejidad y honestidad en la representación que se ha desarrollado en la cinematografía australiana en décadas recientes. La barrera entre hombres y mujeres que se puede ver en el análisis de las películas australianas reicentes  demuestra el "énfasis recurrente sobre las frustraciones, desigualdades, y patrones destructivos que actúan en las relaciones", sugiriendo que las relaciones heterosexuales australianas son inherentemente defectuosas. La mutualidad se ve con sospecha, y las relaciones por tanto a menudo no logran éxito, son inefectivas y condenadas al fracaso. Las razones de esta separación son complejas. En las películas australianas examinadas, se han observado factores como una defectuosa comunicación, disfunciones sexuales, el estancamiento emocional, el adulterio, la drogodependencia, la insensibilidad, el alto consumo de alcohol, las expectativas poco realistas, la obsesión, la frigidez, las mentiras, las diferencias étnicas y culturales, las expectativas frustradas, la camaradería masculina, la psicosis, la vejez, la muerte y la agresión sexual, factores que han contribuido a la noción de separación entre hombres y mujeres australianos.

    Sin embargo, el mayor problema bien podría ser la perspectiva negativa que aportan los individuos a sus relaciones desde el primer momento. Una vez han bajado la primera acometida de las hormonas y el "subidón" de gozo inicial, se instalan un pesimismo culturalmente condicionado y un antagonismo casi ritual, y los resultados pueden observarse en la alienación mutua progresiva que caracteriza a las relaciones representadas en películas australianas recientes. "Donde hay confianza da asco", dice el refrán, y donde para empezar sólo había desconfianza, quizá lo mejor que las parejas australianas se puedan decir mutuamente al salir del cine, despues de ser testigos de un ejemplo más de lo mal que llevan la dinámica heterosexual los hombres y mujeres australianos, sea que "Por lo menos a nosotros no nos va tan mal. Aún".
 
 
 
 

 





viernes, 18 de junio de 2010

Sobre la Heterosexualidad Obligatoria, etc.



Sobre la Heterosexualidad Obligatoria, etc.

Me pregunta Lisbeth Másquisierayo-Salander en el Facebook:

— ¿Qué opinas del discurso de Beatriz Preciado, tú que estás más puesto en esas cosas y eres una persona con criterio?



— Buf, para criterios colores. Para opinar bien opinado habría que escribir un tratado. Pero así como opinión rápida, me parece que es talmente el discurso de Judith Butler traducido al español, y antes que el de ella el de Monique Wittig. Y por resumir en una pildorita: si el género es algo construido y arbitrario (que no lo es totalmente, apostillo), entonces el preciado discurso se autodesconstruye, porque cualquier construcción o convención genérica es tan buena o auténtica como cualquier otra. Las habrá sólo mayoritarias o minoritarias. Ni siquiera podremos decir que los géneros promovidos por el Orden Heterosexual carecen de sustancia, pues nunca podrían tener otra (según ese discurso) que la que tienen. O sea, que quien quiera ser minoritario habrá de ser por vocación (—o por naturaleza), pues la autenticidad sustancial no le avala más que a cualquier otro. Y los números menos.



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